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October 13, 1972

Introduction

This almanac page for Friday, October 13, 1972, pulls together various records created by the federal government and links to additional resources which can provide context about the events of the day.

Previous Date: Thursday, October 12, 1972

Next Date: Saturday, October 14, 1972

Schedule and Public Documents

Archival Holdings

Any selection of archival documents will necessarily be partial. You should use the documents and folders identified below as a starting place, but consult the linked collection finding aids and folder title lists and the collections themselves for context. Many documents to be found this way do not lend themselves to association with specific dates, but are essential to a complete understanding of the material.

  • Selective document listing

    President's Office Files

    The President's Office Files consists of materials drawn together by the Special Files Unit from several administrative subdivisions within the White House Office. It is the handwriting and sensitive papers sent to the Staff Secretary that now comprise much of the President's Office Files. Visit the finding aid to learn more.

  • The H. R. Haldeman Diaries consists of seven handwritten diaries, 36 dictated diaries recorded as sound recordings, and two handwritten audio cassette tape subject logs. The diaries and logs reflect H. R. Haldeman’s candid personal record and reflections on events, issues, and people encountered during his service in the Nixon White House. As administrative assistant to the President and Chief of Staff, Haldeman attended and participated in public events and private meetings covering the entire scope of issues in which the Nixon White House engaged in during the years 1969-1973. Visit the finding aid to learn more.

    • Transcript of diary entry (PDF)
      Friday, October 13th. Started the day with the Rogers-Kissinger breakfast; Haig and I sat in. The President and Henry gave Rogers the general plan we agreed on last night, which covered the fact that Henry had the details of the military settlement worked out, but is still hung up on the political settlement and wouldn't have that till after he goes back to Paris on Tuesday. If it worked out, he would then go to Saigon and work it out with Thieu.

      Rogers basically bought the whole thing, walked into the trap by saying that he didn't think we should accept any settlement that overthrew Thieu...

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      DECLASSIFIED - E.O. 13526, Sect. 3.4: by MS, NARA, June 12, 2013
      Audio Cassette 25, Side B, Withdrawn Item Number 11 [AC-25(B) Sel 8]
      Duration: 8 seconds

      …unless we figure out a way of handling it so that Thieu would accept it.
      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      He indicated that we should, of course, leap at any settlement that didn't overthrow Thieu, no matter how it was worked out, so he's now positioned to have to back the actual settlement enthusiastically, since it's better than anything he thinks possible at the moment.

      The President had Henry up to the Lincoln room after breakfast, called me in mainly for a discussion of schedule plans, but both he and Henry felt that they had the ground pretty well laid out with Rogers. Henry then went on during the day to meet with Alex Johnson as Rogers agreed he could, and with Bill Sullivan. Sullivan's nitpicking some of the details, but Henry thinks that can be worked out, and things are pretty well on track. Both the President and Henry are realizing in the cold gray light of dawn today that they still have a plan that can fall apart. Mainly the problem of getting Thieu on board, but also the problem that the North Vietnamese may not buy what Le Duc Tho comes back to them with. So, it's still problematical, although Henry's convinced that he's got it settled, and that it will work out, and that we can talk Thieu into it. I would think he could, because the settlement he's got is the best Thieu’s ever going to get, and, unlike '68, when Thieu screwed Johnson, he had, then Nixon as an alternative. Now, he has McGovern as an alternative, which would be a disaster for him, even worse than the worst possible thing that Nixon could do to him.

      On the schedule, the President's obsessed today with going to Pennsylvania; wants to go to Pittsburgh at noon for a motorcade, plus we can get a good crowd in the late afternoon. Make it a Mid-Atlantic meeting with West Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, then do the Boilermakers’ Ball early in the evening, and leave; this is Colson's suggestion to him. Later in the day, he pursued it again, wanted me to call Rizzo and see, well, but then I got into the point that we have to do Philadelphia, because Rizzo's expecting it. Also that we can't do Pittsburgh, because McGovern's there the day of the Boilermakers’ Ball, so he told me to call Rizzo and talk him out of a visit there. I did that and Rizzo wasn't about to be talked out of it; he's determined that the President should be there. He gave me a big pitch on how great everything was; that he had all the ward leaders in today; they're almost all on his payroll. He told them that the President either wins in their areas or they're to look for another job. He slammed Leon Sullivan and all of our people who aren't doing anything. Came up with a lot of ideas for things that the President might do in Philadelphia but insisted he's got to come. So we're probably trapped on that. We'll work something out as time goes on with Rizzo. The President also got into post-election plans. He’s now decided he ought to spend a week in Key Biscayne before settling down at Camp David to put the new Administration together. I think that's probably a good idea.

      I called Connally, mainly to tell him what a great job his half hour TV is, and it really is spectacular; he's done the best job I've ever seen on television of just totally demolishing a guy; and I think it's going to be enormously effective. He says he had a good trip in California; a lot of good media coverage, and he thinks things look good for us out there. He's very optimistic, upbeat, and says we should stay right on the course we're on; don't change a thing; that if he had thought we should change anything, he would have called, but he definitely doesn't.

      We got into a long discussions today on the espionage charge, because it now turns out the Post has Chapin involved in it as a way to bring the White House in, and, so we spent a lot of time late this afternoon and this evening trying to work out a way of answering that, which is a little hard to do, because we don't even have the Post story, but I think we'll develop something that'll work for the time being at least.

      End of October 13th.
    • Original audio recording (MP3)

  • The National Archives Catalog is the online portal to the records held at the National Archives, and information about those records. It is the main way of describing our holdings and also provides access to electronic records and digitized versions of our holdings. 

    The Catalog searches across multiple National Archives resources at once, including archival descriptions, digitized and electronic records, authority records, and web pages from Archives.gov and the Presidential Libraries. The Catalog also allows users to contribute to digitized historical records through tagging and transcription.

    Nixon Library Holdings

    All National Archives Units

National Security Documents

  • The President's Daily Brief is the primary vehicle for summarizing the day-to-day sensitive intelligence and analysis, as well as late-breaking reports, for the White House on current and future national security issues. Read "The President's Daily Brief: Delivering Intelligence to Nixon and Ford" to learn more.

  • The Foreign Relations of the United States series presents the official documentary historical record of major U.S. foreign policy decisions and significant diplomatic activity. Visit the State Department website for more information.

    Vol. IX, Vietnam, October 1972-January 1973

    Breakthrough in Paris Blocked in Saigon, October 8-23, 1972

    Vol. XV, Soviet Union, June 1972-August 1974

    Economic Normalization and Soviet Jewish Emigration, September-December 1972

    Vol. XIX, Part 1, Korea, 1969-1972

    Republic of Korea Troops in Vietnam and Force Modernization, April 1971-December 1972

    Vol. XXIV, Middle East Region and Arabian Peninsula, 1969-1972; Jordan, September 1970

    The Two Yemens

    • 196. Intelligence Note Prepared in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Washington, October 13, 1972

      Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970–73, POL 27 YEMEN. Secret; No Foreign Dissem; Controlled Dissem; No Dissem Abroad; Background Use Only; Department of State Use Only. Prepared by David E. Long (INR) and approved by Curtis F. Jones (INR/NEA). The fighting in Yemen generated other Intelligence Notes, including RNAN–33, “YAR–PDRY: When is a War Not a War?”, October 5 (ibid.), RNAN–34, “YAR: Throwing Down the Gauntlet to PDRY?”, October 11 (ibid., POL SYEMEN–YEMEN), and RNAN–38, “YAR/PDRY: Intensity of Border Fighting Increases,” October 20. (Ibid.)

    Vol. XXIX, Eastern Europe, 1969-1972

    Czechoslovakia

    Hungary

    Vol. XXIX, Eastern Mediterranean, 1969-1972

    Greece

    • 338. Letter From the Ambassador to Greece (Tasca) to President Nixon, Athens, October 13, 1972

      Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 594, Country Files—Middle East, Greece, Vol. III Jan 72–Oct 73. No classification marking. Tasca sent a more detailed letter to Kissinger, outlining his qualifications for a posting in Rome, Paris, or Bonn. (Ibid.) In a backchannel message to Tasca, Kissinger acknowledged receipt of the two letters and stated that he had “put them in the right hands.” (Ibid.)

    Vol. XLI, Western Europe; NATO, 1969-1972

    Italy

    Vol. XLI, Western Europe; NATO, 1969-1972

    Spain

    Vol. E-5, Part 2, Documents on North Africa, 1969-1972

    Tunisia

    • 162. Memorandum of Conversation, New York, October 13, 1972, 5 p.m.

      Foreign Minister Masmoudi asked U.S. Ambassador to the UN William Witman why the United States had written off the Palestinians and become totally wedded to the Israelis, leaving Washington’s friends in an untenable position.

      Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970–73, POL 7 TUN. Confidential. Drafted on October 17 by Witman. The conversation took place in the UN General Assembly Delegates’ Lounge. In telegram 188159 to Tunis, October 16, the Department transmitted a memorandum of conversation between Masmoudi and Rogers in which the two disagreed over U.S. policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. (Ibid.)

    Vol. E-10, Documents on American Republics, 1969-1972

    Ecuador

    • 317. Airgram 187 From the Embassy in Ecuador to the Department of State, October 13, 1972.

      Aside from correcting the fiscal problems by the Velasco Government, the Embassy concluded that the military regime had accomplished little in its first eight months. Petroleum legislation had made it more difficult for international companies to operate in the country.

      Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970–73, POL ECUADOR. Confidential. It was drafted on October 11 by Burns and Mason; cleared by the DCM, POL/H, ECON, and DATT in draft form. Stamped notations on the Airgram indicates that it was received at the Department of State on October 20 at 3:35 pm, 1972 and at the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs on October 25, 1972.

    Vol. E-16, Documents on Chile, 1969-1973

    Cool and Correct: The U.S. Response to the Allende Administration, November 5, 1970-December 31, 1972

    • 121. Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Meyer) to the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs (Johnson), Washington, October 13, 1972

      Summary: This memorandum requested Johnson’s approval of the proposal in the attached memorandum for the 40 Committee that recommended that the U.S. Government continue its funding of opposition parties and private-sector groups through the March 1973 elections.

      Source: Department of State, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, INR/IL Historical Files, Box 1, Chile, July–December 1972. Secret; Sensitive. The memorandum was sent through the Acting Director of INR, James R. Gardner. Johnson initialed his approval on October 18, and a handwritten note indicates the White House was notified that day. Attached to another copy of the memorandum is an October 25 memorandum from Ratliff to Kissinger on which Haig approved for Kissinger the financial support on October 26. (National Security Council, Nixon Intelligence Files, Subject Files, Chile, 1971–72)

  • The Kissinger telephone conversation transcripts consist of approximately 20,000 pages of transcripts of Kissinger’s telephone conversations during his tenure as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (1969-1974) and Secretary of State (1973-1974) during the administration of President Richard Nixon. Visit the finding aid for more information.

    Digitized versions can be found in the National Archives Catalog.

Audiovisual Holdings

Context (External Sources)